Article 39: The Regime’s Duplicity The former leader of the Derg regime, Col. Mengistu Hailemariam, had on one occasion said regarding the TPLF regime, “Our intelligence agencies were not even aware of the names of these people…they were obscure elements brought along with the blowing wind.”
Indeed, as everyone is well aware, following the fall of the Derg regime as a result of the offensives by the Eritrean liberation struggle, as well as other popular oppositions in different parts of Ethiopia, the TPLF regime was able to fill the power vacuum owing to the struggle of the Tigrayan people.
After the TPLF was propelled into power as a result of the Ethiopian people’s struggle, particularly that of the Tigrayan people, the clique chose to momentarily suspend its founding principles and donned the cloak of Ethiopian national identity. Hence, the leaders of the regime hastily drafted a political program for Ethiopia and established a government together with satellite organizations that had no political role or recognition. Furthermore, the clique drafted and ratified a national constitution that better suited its small-minded objectives.
Article 39 of the TPLF’s own constitution states that “Nationalities have the right to self-determination to the point of succession…in the event of possible succession, the seceding party would take along its share of the national wealth.” This article was not included for the benefit of the Tigrayan people or other Ethiopian nationalities. On the contrary, the purpose of the article is to provide the TPLF regime with freedom to secede with the region of Tigray when they had looted as much as they could from the Ethiopian people’s wealth. The TPLF’s brutally dictatorial measures in the past 17 years against any party that opted for secession clearly verify the above fact. The gross atrocities against the Ogaden people are but one example of the regime’s crimes against humanity.
Manipulating Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity, the TPLF regime divided Ethiopia into numerous regions and introduced a so-called federal system of government so as to weaken the sense of Ethiopian nationality. In doing so, the TPLF had sought to prolong its stay in power by creating animosity among the various nationalities and consequently weakening their opposition.
Moreover, the TPLF constitution makes provision for ‘oppressed sections of society’ to receive preferential treatment, making it easier for the regime to loot Ethiopian wealth. To this end, the regime set up large corporations administered by its own members in a bid to transfer Ethiopian wealth towards Tigray. This blatant robbery has only swelled the pockets of the few upper echelon of TPLF members and their families while none of the benefits trickle down to the oppressed people of Tigray. This proves that the TPLF used the people of Tigray only as a means to acquire power and had no intention whatsoever to make them part of the ensuing benefits.
Terrorizing people through outdated politics, looting national resources and plunging the Ethiopian people into deep economic and political crisis, the TPLF regime cannot be considered a political force that represents the whole nation. The regime does not even represent a specific group of the Ethiopian people; although it originated from within Tigray, the clique has never exerted any effort for stability and prosperity of the region. Consequently, while the average Tigrayan family is struggling for its daily meal, families of TPLF members each have bank balances of more than 20 to 25 million US dollars. Hence, one can say that the TPLF regime has more than any other political force oppressed and victimized the people of Tigray. Although the TPLF’s adventurism and corrupt objectives compromise the peace and stability of the entire region of the Horn of Africa, the main victims of this adventurism are indeed the Ethiopian people, in general, and the Tigrayans in particular.
|