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Somalia: One Year after TPLF Invasion - Part III

Written by Administrator
Saturday, 22 December 2007
In a press release it issued on 1 December 2006, the Eritrean Ministry of Foreign Affairs had revealed that the UN Security Council was contemplating to adopt a resolution that at first seemed to ban the interference of external forces but was in fact aimed at creating a conductive ground for a single political force in Somalia. The release had also cautioned that the unstudied and reckless measure the Security Council was about to take will plunge Somalia into further chaos. Stating that the Somali interim government not only lacked legality at the time of its establishment, but had also failed to gain acceptance among the people, the press release attempted to remind that the Council or the international community had no authority or right whatsoever to enforce an unwelcome political force on a sovereign people. It went on to expose the misleading concept that the Security Council's draft resolution was initially proposed by IGAD, and stated that the seven member states of the regional organization did not have a common understanding regarding the Somali issue. Moreover, the release revealed that the erroneous assumption that ‘Somalia will become a haven for terrorists and a new battle field for Eritrea and Ethiopia' could not justify external interference, and warned the Security Council to refrain from taking any measure that could entail dangerous consequences on the peace and stability of Somalia. Similarly, President Isaias Afwerki had on several occasions warned that the contemplated invasion of Somalia would be a ‘journey into a quagmire' and repeatedly called on the international community to rule out any possibility of external interference in Somalia, particularly that of the Somali people's long time adversary, the TPLF regime. Thus, the existing quagmire of prolonged war and a terrible humanitarian crisis in Somalia had been predicted long before the invasion took place. Yet, administered by intelligence agencies and reduced to being merely tools at the hands of superpowers, international organizations had no time to entertain such earnest and accurate calculations. The US Administration had for several reasons chosen to enforce an illegal and unacceptable political entity on a people who had made their choice very clear. Moreover, the Security Council, instead of fulfilling its duty as an international body to protect the sovereign nation from invasion and, thereby, uphold international laws and principles, engaged itself in creating conducive grounds for the implementation of US policies. Adding fuel to the flames, the Council even lifted the arms embargo on Somalia dating back to 1992, allowing the unacceptable interim government and other forces in the country to arm themselves. In keeping with its previous measures, the Council went on to accuse nations who opposed US policies in this case of ‘illegally smuggling in arms to Somalia.' The Security Council, while technically being the first body that should have opposed the invasion, instead chose to debase the principles and objectives it stands for and, in a bid to conform to US policies, gave the green light for Ethiopian troops to invade Somalia under the pretext of protecting the interim government. Following suit, and to the embarrassment of all Africans, the AU gave its blessing to this invasion, claiming that Ethiopia ‘has every right to defend itself.' Similarly, other international organizations, short of making feeble statements, refrained from showing strong objection towards such an illegal action while being fully aware that it was against all international principles and charters. Now, one year later, everyone is witnessing the ghastly consequences of the aforementioned callous and erroneous measures. The interim government, even with the TPLF regime at its side, could not gain complete control of Mogadishu and still remains limited to Baidoa. Moreover, it has lately been forced to admit that 80% of Somali territories are out of its control. This is because it is impossible for a government that cannot make a place for itself in the hearts of its people, in the first place, to gain control of the land. In sending batch after batch of soldiers to their death, the TPLF regime has been gambling with the lives of Ethiopian youths. But, in the end, it will become clear that only shame and defeat could come out of this blood game, for no force can ever suppress the choice of the people!
Last Updated ( Wednesday, 26 December 2007 )

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